The Golden Jubilee Election and After

 

The Golden Jubilee Election and After

It had to be Ramazan 1997, the golden jubilee year and month of the birth of Pakistan! Does it also mean a revival of the spirit and the aspirations of people who created it The unexpected happened. The election would normally have taken place in November 1998. A number of factors contributed to the holding of these polls. The foremost credit goes to Benazir whose government's corrupt and repressive ways compelled a party President to dissolve the National Assembly prematurely. If the Prime Minister had been less arrogant, arbitrary and even modestly mindful of the oath taken by her under the Constitution she may still have been at the helm of affairs. This was not to be. The widespread and wilful loot of public funds and property, the indecent extravagance, the misuse of state power and government authority, the general lawlessness and the increasing economic misery of the common man alienated the people and generated a rising demand for stopping the rot and starting a process of ehtesab.

Imran Khan and Qasi Hussain Ahmad launched a campaign against the evil ways of the government. The PML(N)  took up the issue in the National Assembly and moved a bill for accountability. The Press exposed the mismanagement and the general discontent. It highlighted the scandals of the PM's spouse. Accusations of the royal couple acquiring palaces abroad never credibly denied or disproved, added fuel to the fire. Allegations of financial deals and kickbacks came in, thick and fast. The Prime Minister's failure to pack the judiciary cost her dear. The Supreme Court verdict of March last year and her stubborn refusal to follow specific provisions of the Constitution to implement the verdict coupled with prolonged spell of "state terrorism” in Karachi culminating in the killing of Murtaza Bhutto left no alternative to the head of the state.

 But to do his constitutional duty. It must have

taken a lot of anguish and considerable courage for a political President to demolish his own party government. Credit must further be given to Leghari for fulfilling his promise to hold the elections on the due date despite diverse pressures from the press, many political parties and the public to first complete the accountability process. The humiliating route of the PPP and the massive mandate given by the people to PML(N) has surprised everybody, even Nawaz Sharif himself. Quazi's campaign and PPP workers' disappointment with Benazir's performance along with growing disillusionment with the politicians contributed towards the comparatively low turnout. While the nation rejected one national party holding it accountable for the disastrous drift towards the precipice, it showered votes on the other, empowering it to reverse the tide and undertake a rescue and rehabilitation operation. All foreign election monitors have certified that no rigging to place although there was some lapse in making electoral arrangements. 

If any party or a candidate has definite proof of false polling and anything wrong done, he or she can certainly appeal to the Election Tribunals for redress. Nawaz Sharif has emerged as the unquestioned leader of the people of Pakistan. With a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly and with party coalition governments in at least three out of the four provinces of the country, he is in a position to do anything and everything, with the limits prescribed by the Constitution.

This tremendous power, while it gives him opportunity to restore stability in the polity and the economy of this benighted country, also poses formidable challenges. Benazir, crestfallen and disgraced as she is at present, is not going to let his government run a smooth course. Her statement not to start an agitation against an “engineered” election is tagged to the ominous "for the time being”. 

Other discredited elements like Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan and Ghulam Mustafa Khar are bound to make common cause with her to create noise and turbulence. Qazi Hussain Ahmad has most generously given a lease of six months to the incoming government to do the needful and if Nawaz Sharif is found wanting, Jama'at may restart its dharnas and rallies. Although all these irritants may not amount to much for quite some time, considering the PM's parliamentary strength, they can add to his troubles if he falls short of people's expectations and imprudently opens other fronts. Of these other fronts or perils is the possibility of differences arising in his relations with the President. Mr Leghari gave sweat and toil in keeping PPP alive and building it up in the late seventies, eighties and early nineties. One may also not forget that he was accused of a shady deal by Nawaz Sharif and a defamation case on this score is pending before a court of law. 

One may well wonder if Leghari is happy at the turn of events and this enormous increase in Muslim League's fortunes. Having exercised real power since November 5, 1996, and steered the ship of the state with the aid of a docile cabinet his own creation he is not expected to entirely withdraw into his earlier constitutional shell.  He has further fortified his position by constituting the Council for Defence and National Security (which wisely enough was not openly criticised by Nawaz Sharif). A good many disagreements can arises between the two on various matters involving such issues as legislation, economie initiatives, appointments of Governors and other high functionaries, relations with provinces and questions of foreign policy. Once bitten twice shy, NS will have to exercise a lot of restraint in his dealings with the President. Power can turn anyone's head and the courtiers around can always create conditions leading to misunderstanding and misgivings. On this count the PM will have to tread warily and watch his step all the way.

It is good that the PML(N) leader has rejected the politics of revenge and has stressed the need for good working relations with the Opposition. As a Punjabi head of the government, Nawaz Sharif has also to go out of his way to build bridges with all the major leaders of the smaller provinces. This would require frequent personal contacts, scrupulous avoidance of interference in their affairs, specially in Balochistan and Sindh, and the creation of a climate of trust, fairness and even generosity. Horrendous problems await the incoming government. The PM-in-waiting has already made some statement and indicated some of his priorities. He has committed himself to a small cabinet and a regimen of austerity. While he is in a wholesome position to undertake healthy economic measures carrying forward elements of the policies already taken up by the caretakers.

He at the same time has to be seen to be genuinely working for the common man. If immediate economic relief is difficult to provide, he has do whatever is feasible and also to take people into confidence about the demands of the difficult times. This indeed is how a great leader acts. And people will respond if they find him, his colleagues and the spoilt and the pushed around government employees acting as good and conscientious public servants. Steps have to be taken to provide relief to the very poor. The President's package about the alleviation of poverty may have, with modifications, to be enforced speedily and equitably. It is also time that a census is held. How can any country plan its future intelligently when it doesn't know the basic facts and figures about its population, its composition, its labour force and its state of education and employment. The new PM should make a definite announcement in this behalf and commit himself to have the census carried out within the next six months.

A marked departure must be made in the manner and methods of governance.

Competent and honest officers duly identified, should be placed as heads of all public institutions. Confidence must be restored to the functionaries. ADC, SP or an Executive Engineer should have the freedom to act and exercise given powers without political interference. Supervision should be tightened. Utmost stress should be laid on human security, and people should see and feel a pronounced change in their dealings with government functionaries. The accountability process must pick up speed so that defaulters, smugglers and miscreants think twice in future to indulge in anti-people activities. While these and other tasks including a reorientation and reconstruction of foreign policy, formulation of a national literacy policy increased representation of women in Parliament and all elected bodies (as last year done in India by amending the Constitution) a really dynamic population control programme must be taken up, there are two special responsibilities to which the new government must attend.

The first is the restoration of the sanctity and the role of the Parliament. The previous governments had sidelined the elected Assemblies. Legislation was distorted into ordinances, Speaker's ruling were defied. Attendance was thin and irregular. Questions were not properly answered. The parliamentary committees seldom met and did their job. It is vital that because of his parliamentary strength, Nawaz Sharif ensures the fullest observance of all the due tasks and the priorities that all the elected bodies are expected to discharge. This will also help restore people's confidence in the political system. It also needs to be ensured that MNAs and MPAs do not involve themselves in disbursement of patronage and funds, and given special privileges and quotas. In other words, they should henceforth confine themselves to the performance of their mandated tasks.

The second is the launching of a nationwide introspection exercise in this 50th (Golden Jubilee) year of the creation of Pakistan. Government and non-government institutions, all should be involved in an honest and ruthless reflection, review and analysis of our past behaviour and failures. We must renew our understanding of why Pakistan was created and what was special about the establishment of a new country in South Asia. Our young generation needs to know and comprehend the basic ideas and compulsions and how we can strengthen our roots and our institutions. In this natural undertaking all the media—official and non-official-all public and private institutions, especially universities, schools, colleges, and NGOs, should participate.