NAWAB VAQAR UL MULK
Life history of Nawab viqar ul mulk
(1841-1917)
Diwan Abdul Momin Khan was one of the Ministers at the court of the Moghul Emperor, Shah Jehan, around the year (1650). With the decline of the power of that dynasty, the familes of many Muslim noblemen all over India suffered heavily, and one such family was that of Abdul Momin Khan. One of his male decendants, Shaikh Fazal Husain, was settled in a small village in Moradabad district towards the beginning of the nineteenth century. Their family fortunes at a low ebb, Shaikh Fazal Husain and his family lived the life of humble village-folk, eking out a difficult existence, although this family was known for some learned men that it had produced. Shaikh Fazal Husain was married to Batulnissa, and on the 24th of March, (1841), was born in the family a son, whom they named Mushtaq Husain. The child was hardly six months old, when his father died, and the entire responsibility of bringing up the orphan fell on the widowed mother. Although not literate herself, Batulnissa was determined to give her son the best education, and to bring him up as a perfect gentle- man. It was the influence of his mother from his very tender age that was responsible for Mushtaq Husain developing into a learned and God-fearing young man.
Mushtaq Husain was sent to a maktab, where he sat on the floor with other boys of the village to take his first lessons. The Maulvi would teach the boys to read the Holy Quran, and to write the alphabet on their little wooden boards, which each boy brought with him to school. The fees paid by the students to the teacher at the maktab was not on a monthly basis, but whenever the festivals of Eid came, the parents would send to the teacher, through their children from two annas to a maximum of rupees two as tuition fees for the whole year. This fee, paltry as it may seem today, was neither fixed nor binding on all; the children of the poor people of the village were taught completely free. The boys paid little money to their teachers, but showered on them respect, bordering on reverence, and love and devotion in plenty. Mushtaq Husain took his first lessons in the village maktab, and later on became a pupil of Maulvi Rahat Ali Amroahi, under whom he learned advanced Arabic, the Hadith and Fiqah. As it was not possible to find Government employment, without having studied in a Government district school, Mushtaq Husain later on went to one such school.
He proved to be an intelligent student, hardworking, well-disciplined and well-behaved. He accepted a post on ten rupees a month as an assistant teacher in the district school, where he had studied. In (1861) there was famine in the United Provinces, and Sir Syed Ahmed was in charge of relief work in Moradabad district. He entrusted the relief work at Amroha to the energetic and honest young Maulvi Mushtaq Husain, who fulfilled this responsibility to the entire satisfaction of Sir Syed Ahmed, and from that day onwards there grew up between the two a strong bond of mutual attachment. Maulvi Mushtaq Husain had caught the eye of his superiors, and his rise in Government service became markedly accelerated. He was promoted from one post to another, transferred from one place to another, until he was finally appointed to work under Sir Syed Ahmed at Aligarh., where the latter was posted as a subordinate judge. He was an indefatigable worker, and willingly helped his colleagues who were in arrears in their office work. While in service, he began to prepare for the examination to be appointed a Tehsildar, which he passed in (1872). When Sir Syed was appointed to distribute relief to the famine-stricken people of Gorakhpur, he requested from Sir John Strachey the services of Maulvi Mushtaq Husain to work under him.
Throughout his career as a Government servant, Maulvi Mushtaq Husain showed unbounding independence, and refused to be cowed by the threats or pressure of his superiors even though they were Englishmen. Some English officers took objection to his leaving the office during working hours to go to the mosque for prayers, and they warned him not to do so, as it was an infringement of office hours and office routine. But Maulvi Mushtaq Husain was not to be cowed down. He would rather submit his resignation than give up his prayers, the time for which fell during office hours. Although he was drawing one hundred rupees a month as salary, which was considered a princely sum in those days, he submitted his resignation, and begged for its acceptance if he was not to be allowed time for prayers. With the intervention of some well intentioned English officers, he was given permission for prayers, and his resignation was withdrawn. After some time, Sir Syed Ahmed was transferred from Aligarh to Benares, and Nawab Samiullah Khan, another devoted worker in the cause of Aligarh, succeeded him as Sub-Judge. Viqar-ul Mulk continued to work under Nawab Samiullah Khan in his court, and it was the influence of these two great stalwarts of the Aligarh movement that created in Vigar-ul Mulk's heart an abiding love for the cause of Aligarh, starting his career as a humble worker for spreading the mes- sage of Aligarh.
He became a member of the Scientific Society in ( 1866 ) and was in charge of getting Tahzibul Ikhlaq printed. In ( 1870 ), the Society for the Promotion of Education Among Muslims invited essays on a competitive basis for pub lication in this magazine, the topic for discussion being the causes that had resulted in the then prevailing deplorable condition of Muslim education, and steps to bring about educational renaissance among the Muslims. an Viqar-ul Mulk submitted his entry for the contest, in which after making a masterly analysis, he advocated that Muslims should take to modern education and that Aligarh should be the centre for the spread of education among the Muslims of India. His essay was awarded the second prize, the first being won by the essay entered by Nawab Mohsin-ul Mulk. In ( 1873 ), it was decided by the College Foundation Committee to establish a primary school at Aligarh.
Maulvi Samiullah Khan was the Secretary of the Aligarh branch, and he was entrusted with the work of looking after this school, In the absence of Sir Syed Ahmed. But in actual fact, the moving spirit behind the work of the school was that tireless worker, Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk.
In ( 1875 ), he was invited to serve in Hyderabad State, which offer he accepted, and the number of years that he had served under the British were added to his service record in Hyderabad Within one year of his appointment, he caught the eye of Nawab Sir Salar Jang, who raised him to the position of a judicial Minister. It was in conse quence of a report that he submitted in ( 1878 ) regarding the reorganisation of the judiciary system that progressive reforms were introduced. During the famine of ( 1877 ), Maulvi Mushtaq Husain prepared a comprehensive scheme for the distribution of relief and assistance to the famine stricken people, and recommended the setting up of homes for the poor and the disabled. His suggestions were accepted in full, and he was put in charge of relief work. Whenever he visited famine camps and homes for the poor, he spent hours with them, endeavouring to brighten the gloom of their life with kind words and financial assistance. Sir Salar Jang in one of his statements, paid fulsome tribute to his humanitarian work. He continued to serve Hyderabad State for seventeen years, and his career was replete with rich achievement. But due to open differences between the English Resident and Sir Salar Jang, Maulvi Mushtaq Husain found himself a target of local intrigues, usually associated with the old order in an Indian State, where the representative of the British pulled powerful strings from behind the scenes.
He had been elevated to the rank of a Nawab, and his full title was Nawab Mushtaq Husain Vigar-ul Mulk. In his last years at Hyderabad he was drawing a salary of four thousand and five hundred rupees a month, most of which he spent in helping the poor, the needy, the orphans and widows. He did not lose any opportunity during his service at Hyderabad to go on serving the cause of Aligarh. He resigned from Hyderabad State service in ( 1892 ). After tendering his resignation, he took up residence in Amroha and led a semi-retired life for about eight years. However, in the first years of the twentieth century, when Nawab Vigar-ul-Mulk saw that there was public controversy over Urdu under the pro-Hindi Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Anthony MacDonnel, he jumped into the affray in the defence of Urdu. He sought an interview with the Governor in order to explain to him the importance of Urdu and the sentimental value attached by Muslims to that language. But the arrogant representative of the British refused him an interview, and Nawab Viqarul Mulk decided to do all that lay in his power for the propagation of the cause of Urdu. It must be said that, while living in retirement at Amroha, he had to face many family misfortunes.
His eldest son, Mahomed Ahmed, died in (1896) at the age of twentyeight. The following year he lost his wife and his grand-daughter Hamid Fatima, the daughter of Mahmud Ahmed through an English wife, whom he had married in England when he was reading for the Bar in that country. In spite of his private misfortunes, he conti- nued to serve all public causes which were in the best interests of the Muslims of India. Muslim leaders like Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk were beginning to realise that, if Muslims were to occupy a dignified and respectable position in the national life of India, they should not only spread education among their co-religionists, they should also organise themselves politically. The Hindus had started the Indian National Congress in ( 1885 ), and in ( 1893 ) Sir Syed Ahmed had started the Mohamadan Anglo-Oriental Defence Association, to protect the legitimate political interests of the Muslims, in whose organisation he had received able support from Theodore Beck. Mohsin-ul Mulk advocated the revival of the Defence Association, and Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk heartily agreed with him. Actually, the latter was entrusted with the task of organising the Defence Association, and to achieve this he toured India extensively.
The Muslims at this time were, however, steeped in political lethargy and, in spite of his speeches and writings, he made little progress. The first meeting under the auspices of the Defence Association was held at Lucknow in ( 1901 ). Vigar-ul Mulk saw for himself that the response had been poor, but he never gave up the work of political organisation of the Muslims, and his efforts and those of Mohsin-ul-Mulk were to bear fruit some years after the first seeds were sown. Mohsin-ul-Mulk was getting on in years, and he found the burdens of the Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental College too heavy for his shoulders. Viqar-ul-Mulk had been his close associate and friend for a number of years, and now in his days of retirement, Vigar-ul-Mulk began to take increasing interest in the affairs of the College. He stood so close to Mohsin-ul Mulk, the Secretary of the College, that there was no doubt in anybody's mind as to who would succeed him when he died. It came to pass in ( 1907 ), for, when Mohsin-ul Mulk died, Nawab Vigar-ul-Mulk was unanimously elected Secretary of the Board of Trustees. At that time Theodore Beck was the Principal of the College, and there soon arose acute differences between the Principal, supported by the entire English staff, on the one hand, and the Secretary and the Trustees on the other hand. In the days of Sir Syed Ahmed, one of the college boys had been expelled from the hostel, as a number of boys had beaten some servants of the hostel.
As a protest many boarders left the hostel and went to stay in a local seral. Sir Syed decided that a compromise should be effected between the management and the staff. But Beck, the English principal, stood for strict discipline and spurned all attempts at compromise. Maulvi Samiullah Khan severely condemned the attitude of the English principal and professors, and the latter in turn saw to it that Sir Syed would be succeeded by his son Syed Mahmud and not by Maulvi Samiuliah Khan. When this mea sure was adopted, Samiullah Khan resigned as a member of the Board of Trustees. When Mohsin-ul-Mulk took over as Secretary, the English principal and staff were strongly supported by Sir Anthony MacDonnel, who threatened to cut the college grant, if the Secretary interfered with the internal management of the College affairs, for which, the Governor said, the last word rested with the Principal. This controversy. was still raging, when Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk took over as Secretary of the College in ( 1907 ), and the Principal of the College was Archbold. On 20th March, ( 1908 ), Principal Archbold submitted his resignation, "as a result of the continued interference of the Honorary Secretary".
He was supported by the English pro fessors of the College. The Governor at this time was Sir John Hewett, who intervened and imposed a compromise, which Vigar-ul-Mulk thought was unfair. He placed the mat ter before the Board In a meeting duly called for this purpose, and the Trustees supported the stand taken by the Secretary. The Governor invited Viqar-ul-Mulk for private talks to discuss the matter, which he declined, saying that the matter now vested with the Trustees. The Muslim press also openly sided with Viqar-ul-Mulk, and His Highness the Aga Khan sent a cable from England to the Government not to precipitate matters and thus lose the goodwill of the Muslims. The stale mate continued for some time, until Principal Archbold sub mitted his resignation. The Trustees thereafter adopting a resolution clearly defining the powers of the Honorary Secretary and the Principal, forbidding the latter to write directly to the Government or to any Government depart ment. "Thus ended a long-drawn controversy about the admi nistration of the College and a new era was opened in its working." October ( 1906 ) is important in the history of our struggle for freedom, for it was at that time that a Muslim deputation waited on the Viceroy, Lord Minto, demanding separate electorates for the Muslims of India. Nawab Viqar-ul Mulk was a member of the deputation. Two months later, the Muslim Educational Conference met at Dacca on 30th December, ( 1906 ), with Nawab Sir Salimullah Khan of Dacca in the chair. In his introductory speech Nawab Vigar-ul-Mulk dwelt on the absolute necessity of Muslims organising them selves politically, and warned them of the dangers that lay ahead if they failed to read the writing on the wall.
He said, "The purpose for which we have met today is nothing new. It arose from the day the Indian National Congress was founded, so much so that the late lamented Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, for whose sagacious and far-sighted policy we will always remain indebted, was so moved by the growing strength of the Congress that he valiantly strove to convince the Muslims that their betterment and security lay in abstaining from participation in the Congress. This advice was so sound that, though he is not among us today, yet the Muslims firmly hold to it, and as time passes we realise more and more that the Muslims should make the maximum efforts to protect their political rights". Then he traced the history of recent political events in the country, and said, "Realising the increase in the internal and external Influence of the Congress in the wake of the partition of Bengal and noting the Government's intention to expand the legislative councils the Muslims waited in deputation on the Viceroy and placed before him their needs and the injustices they have had to suffer as a nation.
The proceedings of the deputation and the Viceroy's reply have appeared in the press. The Muslim leaders who, as members of the deputation had gathered at Simla, after considering the steps to be taken to safeguard the political rights of the Muslims on a permanent footing, had resolved that delegates from differ ent provinces should meet at Dacca towards the end of December and decide the question." In the end he warned the Muslims that after the withdrawal of the British from India, it would be the Hindus that would rule over them. "The Muslims are only one-fifth of the population of other communities of India. It is quite obvious that, if at any time the British Government ceases to exist in India, the nation which is four times more numerous will rule the country. Now, gentlemen, everyone should ponder as to what would be our condition at that time. In such a contingency our lives, our property, our honour, our religion, all will be in jeopardy. Today when the might of the British Government affords protection to the people there are numer ous instances of the difficulties and troubles we experience at the hands of our neighbours in the various provinces. Woe betide the time when we have to live as subjects of these people who want to take revenge of Aurangzeb from us after hundreds of years.
Of course, it is our duty, as far as our influence goes, to dissuade our friends from following the wrong path, to treat them nicely as our neighbours, to show sympathy to them on the social plane and refrain from any antagonistic attitude towards them, while safeguarding our rights and interests. Whatever differences we now have or may have in future with the Congress concern three matters firstly those demands of the Congress which imperil the existence of the British Government in India; secondly those questions which are prejudicial to our legitimate rights; thirdly their violent tone against the Government which the Muslims do not appreciate". On the same day, there was a meeting of leading Muslims held at Dacca under the chairmanship of Nawab Vigar-ul-Mulk in which it was resolved to form a political organisation of the Muslims, to be known as "The India Muslim League". The resolution said, "Resolved that this meeting composed of Musalmans from all parts of India assembled at Dacca decides that a political association, styled 'The India Muslim League' be formed for the furtherance of the following objects:
(a) To promote among the Musalmans of India the feeling of loyalty to the British Government and remove any misconception that may arise as to the intention of the Government with regard to any of its measures.
(b) To protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Musalmans of India, and respectfully to represent the needs and aspirations to Govern ment; and
(c) To prevent the rise among the Musalmans of India of any feeling of hostility towards other communities without prejudice to the other objects of the League." The above resolution was moved by the Nawab of Dacca and seconded by Hakim Ajmal Khan.
He served the College as its Honorary Secretary for five years, and during this period he put new life into Aligarh College and into the Aligarh movement. In ( 1912 ), at the age of seventyone, he found that his ill-health would just not permit him to carry on this onerous responsibility any longer. Therefore, in that year, in the best interests of the College, he tendered his resignation. Although he had ceased to be its Secretary, he continued to be in the forefront in the affairs of the College and in all matters of public importance that affected the Muslims of India. He continued to advocate that Government should not interfere with the affairs of the College. In ( 1913 ), when a number of Muslims were busy helping, volun- tarily, in the construction of a demolished mosque at Cawnpore, the English District Magistrate ordered the police to open fire on them. They were building the mosque in defiance of Government orders. Nawab Viqar-ul Mulk-was indignant, and he exhorted the Muslims to vehemently protest against the brutal behaviour of Tyler, the District Magistrate, for, he warned, "If you don't, then in the future every subinspector of police will behave like a Tyler towards us".
By ( 1915 ), his health had completely deteriorated. He had a stroke of paralysis, and Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari and Hakim Ajmal Khan were in attendance on him. He continued to struggle for life for about two years, but his doctors knew that the end was not far. In the first days of January ( 1917 ), it was obvious that he had only a few days to live. But he kept up a brave fight. The end came on 27th January ( 1917 ), and he was buried in his family graveyard at Amroha. "The Islamic and simple living of Nawab Saheb brought about a revolutionary change in our materialistic and ostentatious way of living. It was his example that inspired us to respect the true Muslim way of life. It was he who proved to us that even in the modern twentieth century, a Muslim can live a truly Islamic life, and at the same time serve his com- munity and his nation."
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